Ecuador; Early Elections Shake the Country; Tensions with Colombia Could Be Resolved; Energy Investment by PowerChina Boosts the Nation.

Friday, April 17, 2026. Ecuador – Fond Memories I first stepped onto Ecuadorian soil in 1991. It was my first mission as a Strategic Debriefer outside of Panama, and as a 21-year-old Army interrogator, I couldn’t have been more eager. I was accompanied by our analyst, Jorge Luis Miño, who had been born in Ecuador but joined the Army after his family moved to the United States some 15 years earlier. From the beginning, Ecuador left an impression. I was fascinated by the food like potato soup with pellets of dried blood, cuy, and a curious emphasis on juice made from tree tomatoes. Quito itself was an experience. The altitude hit me harder than expected; I still remember the ride up the elevator at the Oro Verde, feeling as though I might pass out before reaching my room. A casual attempt to play soccer with locals quickly turned into a lesson in humility, and survival, forcing me into the safer role of goalkeeper. Even something as simple as diving into a swimming pool felt different… the moment my head went under, the sensation was closer to drowning than swimming. Shovelling a foot of ash from the roofs after a Pichincha eruption, visiting the Mitad del Mundo or simply the “middle of the earth”, the birds of Mindo, trout fishing in Cuenca, and galavanting the entire coastline from Esmeraldas all the way down to Guayaquil. There really hasn’t been anything quite like the environmental diversity of Ecuador. Over the past three decades, I’ve had the privilege of traveling extensively throughout Ecuador, visiting its major cities and regions. I witnessed firsthand the country’s transition from the sucre to the U.S. dollar between January and September of 2000. Back in the early 1990s, the exchange rate hovered around 2,000 sucres to the dollar, and that same 2,000 sucres could buy you a full breakfast of eggs, sausages, toast, coffee, and juice. One rule, however, was always clear: no ice. Never drink the water, and never trust the ice. More importantly, Ecuador became more than just a place I worked. Over time, I was welcomed into a family that I still consider my own. I’ve had the honor of serving as a godfather at a wedding and to one of the sons, and I continue to look forward to visiting “mom” whenever the opportunity arises. Brett Mikkelson Founder, B.M. Investigations, Inc. – Private Investigations in Panama TOP NEWS and TIDBITS: Early Elections in Ecuador Shake the Political Landscape and Squeeze the Opposition The decision by the National Electoral Council (CNE) to bring forward local elections to this coming November — instead of February 2027 — has forced political parties into a race against time to define candidates, organize primaries, and navigate legal requirements. This scenario particularly affects Revolución Ciudadana, the movement of former president Rafael Correa, which is currently serving a nine-month suspension stemming from a prosecutorial investigation into alleged money laundering involving several of its members. The CNE justified the early elections based on a report warning of the potential impact of the El Niño phenomenon during the first months of next year. At stake are 222 mayoralties, 24 prefectures, five members of the controversial Council for Citizen Participation and Social Control — responsible for appointing key state authorities — and possibly a national referendum. The decision has raised alarms within Revolución Ciudadana, the main opposition force. The party was suspended for nine months by the Electoral Disputes Tribunal following a request from the prosecutor investigating alleged money laundering involving several of its members. While case details remain confidential, the sanction has a notable timing element: it will be lifted just after the early elections conclude. However, legal obstacles go beyond party status. Its most prominent figures, many seeking reelection, face a critical judicial landscape: Aquiles Álvarez, mayor of Guayaquil, is under three investigations and currently in pretrial detention in a maximum-security prison; meanwhile, the mayors of Quito and Cuenca, along with the prefect of Pichincha, are operating within a narrow margin between their electoral ambitions and potential disqualifying sanctions. Internally, the movement remains silent. No one is publicly identifying potential candidates or the parties they might align with to secure a place on the ballot. “Because they could go after them and block more political movements,” admits a party member. The early elections, combined with the temporary ban on the main opposition party, have transformed the race into a marketplace of political labels where ideology has become secondary. A striking example is Lucio Gutiérrez — who led the 2000 coup and governed for two years with Sociedad Patriótica — who has opened his party to candidates from the correísmo. “It’s time to turn the page. We are ready to talk,” he announced on social media. For analyst Esteban Ron, this phenomenon confirms that parties have devolved into mere electoral vehicles lacking doctrine. “Out of 17 national organizations, 13 are on a yellow card; they need to reach the voting threshold just to avoid disappearing,” he notes. Along the same lines, political scientist Pamela León uses a contemporary analogy: “Political parties have become like Airbnb — more rentable than representative. They meet the signature requirements, but their vote share does not reflect a real support base.” Currently, there are 231 organizations approved by the CNE, although their presence on the final ballot still depends on electoral council review. In contrast, Pachakutik — the political arm of the indigenous movement — is attempting to capitalize on the electoral environment by leveraging its territorial reach: 53 organizations and more than 10,000 communities. However, internal disputes threaten its cohesion. “Some prioritize individual prominence over the collective,” warns Apawki Castro, a member of the movement. This lack of unity has been reflected in the National Assembly, where the party has failed to ensure unified voting among its legislators on core principles such as water protection and opposition to mining. By aligning with the government on key issues, several lawmakers were ultimately expelled from the movement, weakening
